The
Official Website of the British
People's Party "The day that our
followers lose their ability to hate will be the day that
they lose
their power and their will to achieve anything worthwhile at all."
- John Tyndall
The
Eleventh Hour has
been described as the 'Bible' of the British National Party. First
published in 1988, the new (1998) edition has been updated to take in
the many new developments on the political scene occurring since. The
book gives comprehensive coverage of all the major current issues
affecting Britain. It delves into the ideologies of liberalism,
conservatism and the left, and also examines that of British
Nationalism and its background. It contains extensive analyses of the
British economy and political system. It looks at issues connected with
freedom and order, the mass media, the environment, race and
immigration, Northern Ireland, the Commonwealth, foreign policy and
defence. It also gives a detailed outline of the development of the BNP
and its predecessor organisations in Britain.
The
Eleventh Hour runs
to 537 pages, it is partly autobiographical, giving an account of the
author's origins, early political awakening and subsequent life's work.
This is the book you must read if you want to find out what John
Tyndall and the REAL BNP stood for.
‘The wise man wants to hear both sides of every question’
You may have heard of so-called Revisionists who "deny the Holocaust."
This publication, a revisionist best-seller, is an authoritative and
detailed account of the facts behind the fiction. It details the Nazi
plan for a Jewish homeland in Madagascar (blocked by the British); the
Jewish declaration of war against Germany; the Wannsee Conference; the
Einsatzgruppen; the Warsaw Ghetto; the chaotic state of the
Concentration Camp system at the end of the war; fake photographs; and
the "Final Solution." This hard to find, extensively referenced
publication is an essential addition to the library of anyone with an
interest in WWII history. Magazine format, 28 pages, illustrated with
photographs. Published in Britain by the Historical Review Press (ISBN
0-906879-95-0) and available as a special item from the BPP.
MAJOR
SECTION HEADS:
+ Introduction to the 4th Edition
+ Conclusion
German Policy Towards the Jews Prior
to
the War
German Policy Towards the Jews After
the
Outbreak of War
Population and Emigration
The Six Million: Documentary Evidence
The Nuremberg Trials
Auschwitz and Polish Jewry
Some Concentration Camp Memoirs
The Nature and Condition of War-Time
Concentration Camps
The Jews and the Concentration
Camps: A
Factual Appraisal by the Red Cross
The Truth at Last: The Work of Paul
Rassinier
From Section One, German Policy Towards the
Jews Prior to the War
Rightly
or wrongly, the Germany of Adolf Hitler considered the Jews to be a
disloyal and avaricious element within the national community, as well
as a force of decadence in Germany's cultural life. This was held to be
particularly unhealthy since, during the Weimar period, the Jews had
risen to a position of remarkable strength and influence in the nation,
particularly in law, finance and the mass media, even though they
constituted only one percent of the population. The fact that Karl Marx
was a Jew and that Jews such as Rosa Luxembourg and Karl Liebnecht were
disproportionately prominent in the leadership of communist movements
in Germany also tended to convince the Nazis of the powerful
internationalist and Communist tendencies of the Jewish people.
It
is no part of the discussion here to argue whether the German attitude
to the Jews was right or not, or to judge whether its legislative
measures against them were just or unjust. Our concern is simply with
the fact that, believing of the Jews as they did, the Nazis' solution
to the problem was to deprive them of their influence within the nation
by various legislative acts, and most important of all, to encourage
their emigration from the country altogether. By 1939, the great
majority of German Jews had emigrated, all of them with a sizeable
proportion of their assets. Never at any time had the Nazi leadership
even contemplated a policy of genocide towards them.
It
is very significant, however, that certain Jews were quick to interpret
these policies of internal discrimination as equivalent to
extermination itself. A 1936 anti-German propaganda book by Leon
Feuchtwanger and others entitled Der Gelbe Fleck: Die Allsrotung
von 500,000 Deutchen Juden (The Yellow Spot: The Outlawing
of 500,000 German Jews, Paris, 1936), presents a typical
example. Despite its baselessness in fact, the annihilation of the Jews
is discussed from the first pages – straightforward emigration being
regarded as the physical "extermination" of German Jewry. The Nazi
concentration camps for political prisoners are also seen as potential
instruments of genocide, and special reference is made to the 100 Jews
still detained in Dachau in 1936, of whom 60 had been there since 1933.
A further example was the sensational book by the German-Jewish
Communist, Hans Beimler, called Four Weeks in the Hands of
Hitler's Hell-Hounds: The Nazi Murder Camp of Dachau, which was
published in New York as early as 1933. Detained for his Marxist
affiliations, he claimed that Dachau was a death camp, though by his
own admission he was released after only a month there. The post-war
Communist regime in East Germany used to issue a 'Hans Beimler Award'
for services to Communism.
The
fact that anti-Nazi genocide propaganda was being disseminated at this
impossibly early date therefore, by people biased on racial or
political grounds, should suggest great caution to the
independent-minded observer when approaching similar stories of the war
period.
The
encouragement of Jewish emigration should not be confused with the
purpose of concentration camps in pre-war Germany. These were used for
the detention of political opponents and subversives – principally
liberals, Social Democrats and Communists of all kinds, of whom a
proportion were Jews such as Hans Beimler. Unlike the millions enslaved
in the Soviet Union, the German concentration camp population was
always small; Reitlinger admits that between 1934 and 1938 it seldom
exceeded 20,000 throughout the whole of Germany and the number of Jews
was never more than 3,000 (The S.S.: Alibi of a Nation,
London, 1956, p. 253).
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SOVIET
EVIDENCE AT KATYN
Report of the Special Commission for
the Examination and Investigation of the Circumstances
of the Shooting of Polish Prisoners of War in the Katyn Forest by the
German Fascist Invaders
The
Katyn Forest
Polish
Prisoners of War in the Region of Smolensk
The
Raids in Search of Polish Prisoners of War
The
Shootings in the Katyn Forest
Beginning
of German Provocation
The
Falsification of the Graves at Katyn
‘Visits’
to the Graves at Katyn
German
Attempts to Wipe Away the Traces of their Crime
Files
of the Forensic Expert Commission
Documents
Found on the Corpses
A CASE STUDY IN PROPAGANDA
These tales of high drama and a
forensic report (!) claimed that ‘German Fascist invaders’ were
responsible for the Katyn Massacre, in which thousands of Polish
officers were shot in the back of the neck and buried in the Katyn
Forest. Although the Russians were responsible, Stalin’s insistence on
prosecuting the Germans for this war crime at Nuremberg caused acute
embarrassment to the other post-WWII Allies. This is a verbatim
re-publication of the original Nuremberg document. Soviet Evidence at Kaytn: Document
USSR-54 at Nuremberg translated and with a Foreword by
Carlos Porter. 46 pages, ISBN 1-901240-06-1, 1998.
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NOT GUILTY AT NUREMBURG
A
German court attempted to prosecute Carlos Porter, the author of Not
Guilty at Nuremberg, even while he was living in Belgium. His
"offence" was sending a letter to the Mayor of Munich.
Not
Guilty at Nuremberg is a uniquely authoritative commentary on
the Nuremberg Trials. Porter examines the evidence against Göring,
Hess and many of the other military and civilian personnel who were
tried in the aftermath of WWII. A summary of the Japanese War Crimes
Trials is included: those defendants were convicted of making human
soup. Now in its second Heretical Press edition with a new Appendix on
Telford Taylor, from which the above quotation of Manstein is taken. Not
Guilty at Nuremberg: The German Defence Case by Carlos Porter,
46 pages, ISBN 1-901240-02-9, 1998.
‘I
have been a soldier for forty years. I come from a family of soldiers
and I have grown up with military conceptions. The example from amongst
my nearest relatives which I had before me was the old Hindenburg. We
young officers naturally considered the glory of war as something
great, and I do not wish to deny that I was proud that during the war
an army was entrusted to me. But our ideal, and that applies to my
comrades too, did not lie in the conducting of war but in the education
of our youth to be honourable citizens and decent soldiers. Under our
orders that youth of ours went to death by the million. And if I may
say something personal: my eldest son died as a lieutenant in the
infantry, when he was 19; two of my sons-in-law, who grew up in my
house, died as young officers; my best comrades in this war, my young
adjutant and my young chauffeur, were killed. Nearly all the sons of my
brothers and sisters were killed. That we, the old soldiers, should
have led into war for a criminal purpose that youth of ours which was
so dear to us, would far exceed any wickedness of which man could be
thought capable. It is possible that a man without a family and without
tradition, who is obsessed with fanatical belief in a higher mission,
may go beyond the limits of human law, but we, the old soldiers, purely
from a human point of view, would not have been able to do so. We could
not lead our youth into crime.’
General
Manstein quoted in IMT XX 626.
CONTENTS, WITH VERDICTS
• INTRODUCTION
• MARTIN BORMANN (DEATH)
• CRIMINAL ORGANIZATIONS
• DOCUMENTS (reproduced below)
• DÖNITZ (10 YRS.)
• FRANK (DEATH)
• FRICK (DEATH)
• FRITSCHE (NOT GUILTY)
• FUNK (LIFE IMPRISONMENT)
• KURT GERSTEIN
• G M GILBERT
• GÖRING (DEATH)
• RUDOLF HESS (LIFE IMPRISONMENT)
• RUDOLF HÖSS (EXECUTED BY POLISH)
• THE JAPANESE WAR CRIMES TRIALS
• JODL (DEATH)
• KALTENBRUNNER (DEATH)
• KEITEL (DEATH)
• VON NEURATH (15 YRS.)
• VON PAPEN (NOT GUILTY)
• RAEDER (LIFE IMPRISONMENT)
• VON RIBBENTROP (DEATH)
• ROSENBERG AND SAUCKEL (DEATH)
• SCHACHT (NOT GUILTY)
• VON SCHIRACH (20 YRS.)
• SEYSS-INQUART (DEATH)
• ALBERT SPEER (20 YRS.)
• STREICHER (DEATH)
• NOTES AND REFERENCES
• APPENDIX: TELFORD TAYLOR
JUST
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"NAZI TERROR"
Nazi Terror: A Short Autobiography of a
Jewish National Socialist is a myth-shattering account of what
it was really like for a Jew in Hitler's Germany. Weichardt's
father was Editor of the Berliner Morgenpost and his
mother was a Jewess.
His story, which is rich in detail, is a gripping read and a real
eye-opener.
54 pages, £5.00, ISBN 1-901240-18-5, 2004.
A Typically Astonishing Excerpt from Nazi Terror
(pp. 13-16)
The next anti-Jewish measure was the Arier paragraph, which
eliminated non-Aryans from all government positions. Everybody with one
quarter or more Jewish background was considered non-Aryan. Exempt from
this law were all Jews who had fought for Germany in the World War or
had lost sons during that war or who already held government positions
before that war. Certain exemptions for meritorious individuals could
be granted. All non-Aryans in government positions had to be retired
(not fired!) with their pensions forthcoming. Businesses, large or
small, were not affected; doctors could continue their practices but
were not compensated for treating patients insured under the
government-run health plan. Many, many – including high party officials
– stayed with their Jewish family doctors who had treated them for a
long time. The number of university students of three-quarter or
all-Jewish ancestry were limited to the percentage of their numbers in
the populace. Still pretty good, when compared with the experience of
deserving whites under Jewish-imposed affirmative action in America.
Students with one-half or less Jewish ancestry were under no
restrictions at all, and even had, at a later date, to join the
nationalist student organization. They were not permitted to join the
SA or SS. Joining a nationalist organization became, in effect,
obligatory for all Aryan students.
The immediate effect on the private lives of most Jews was in
the beginning only minimal. Some personal experiences will show this.
Since my early teens I had been an avid gun lover. In Austria, where we
lived at the time, there were in effect no restrictions on the
possession of handguns or rifles. If there were, they certainly were
not enforced. At the age of fifteen I could walk into one of the finest
gunshops in Vienna and purchase any weapon in the store, as long as I
had the necessary money. Unfortunately I didn’t, but after some time I
had scraped together a sufficient amount to start my modest collection
by acquiring three low-priced handguns. Shortly thereafter, in 1929, we
moved to Berlin. In Germany, under the Weimar Republic, one had to
register each gun with the police. There were no restrictions on
possession except if you wanted to carry them. In this case you had to
have a hunting licence which required a lengthy course in gun handling,
marksmanship, game laws and the handling of bagged game. The police had
absolutely no say or power to refuse you the ownership of your guns
when you came to register. It was a purely bureaucratic measure which
enabled the police to trace a gun involved in a criminal action.
My guns were registered in the name of my (Jewish) mother,
who had contributed the money for their original purchase, because I
was only fifteen years old and could not own firearms until I reached
maturity (21 years). After Hitler came to power, nothing was changed in
the existing gun regulations; nobody had to turn in the registered guns
– period. My mother still had them on the day of her immigration to the
US (May 1941) and gave them to a friend of mine because importation of
firearms was prohibited under US law.
The laxness with which the firearm laws were enforced was
clearly demonstrated in the days after the Reichstag fire, when most
people feared an imminent Communist uprising. Suddenly untold numbers
of veterans or members of patriotic organizations were seen walking
around, proudly displaying their wartime military Mausers or
Parabellums strapped to their sometimes paunchy bellies. After a while,
after the communist threat had been eliminated, they were politely
reminded that carrying of firearms in public was against the law and
the guns were put back into drawers at home. The sale of ammunition was
never restricted.
Suddenly a long-time dream of mine promised to come true: the
ownership of a genuine Parabellum in good condition. One of my friends
had heard of a deal whereby members of the many existing nationalist
party organizations could purchase retired army pistols in lots of one
hundred at a price of fifteen marks per gun. The price of a new
Parabellum was one hundred and fifty marks in those days, which was
about the monthly income of a lowly worker, if he had a job. My search
for prospective customers was frantic. By charging an extra mark for my
services I had to sell only fifteen guns to earn sufficient money for
the purchase of a gun for myself! Alas, my plan was of short duration.
Some envious or overzealous citizen felt obliged to inform the
authorities of my dreamy deal. It was followed by the famous knock on
the door, and on opening I faced three agents of the secret police
(Gestapo). No hands in the pockets groping for hidden arms, no shouted
orders or threats, only showing of identifications and the polite
question if I had any firearms at home and if they could see them. I
asked them in, got my guns and asked my mother to show the registration
receipts. The disappointment of the rather mild-mannered gentlemen at
the measly display was obvious and they asked about the whereabouts of
the one hundred Parabellums I was suspected of harbouring. My heart
sank and I told them about my, now surely aborted, hoped-for big deal,
which as yet had not been completed. They looked greatly relieved and
the man in charge said that a perfunctory search of our premises was in
order. No drawers were ripped out and emptied, nothing was displaced or
damaged – only a short look under beds, into armoires and storage
cabinets. When they were ready to leave the man in charge spotted a
letter on the table with a Jewish-sounding name of the sender and being
obviously informed about my mother’s racial background he very kindly
admonished her that because of the new conditions prevalent to be
especially careful and not to break any of the existing laws. With that
they apologized for the inconvenience they had caused and left. My
loaded guns remained on the table.
In order fully to appreciate this story you must remember
that the Parabellum was at that time still the most powerful and
sophisticated military handgun on the European market. Today’s
equivalent would be a fully automatic MP5 or Ingram. Just imagine
somebody informing the "democratic" American government that I was
stocking one hundred of those, possibly intending to sell them to some
shady characters harbouring racist or otherwise non-PC views. Can’t you
just hear Janet Reno screaming and ordering her trigger-happy minions
into action? The roar of armoured trucks loaded with SWAT teams in full
battledress would be deafening and reinforced by the clatter of
helicopter-gunships hovering overhead, in case any difficulties should
develop. The headlines would shout: Gun Crazy Rightist Has Arsenal
Endangering His Neighbourhood! Governor Might Call In National Guard!
Remember the recent actions of the American government in the case of a
man who sold a shotgun, allegedly one quarter inch shorter than the law
permits, to an undercover agent, which resulted in the deaths of a
mother holding a baby in her arms, one unarmed child, the family dog
and a marshal. Or the one involving a religious nut who could have been
arrested any day by a single cop while the former attended to his
shopping in the local supermarket. Result: about eighty people, mostly
women and children, incinerated alive. I think my imagined scenario
above is an understatement.
My next run-in with the authorities of the Third Reich
happened about three years later and was a little more ominous. I had
just received the notification that my application for voluntary
service in the newly-recruited army had been definitely denied and I
was understandably very bitter because service in the armed forces was
considered an honour and privilege, not an onerous duty. Instead of
swallowing my badly injured pride I complained to everybody who would
listen to me, ending my complaints with the caustic question: "Why me,
when even the top general of the Luftwaffe, Erhard Milch, had a Jewish
father?" Well it didn’t take very long for the knock at the door...
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ANNA
FRANK'S NOVEL
‘Goodness knows how many false identity
cards are in circulation. Jewish acquaintances are going about under
ordinary Christian names and there are certainly not many people in
hiding like ourselves who have no identity cards and never go out.
Bep's friend, who properly should really be in Berlin meets comrades of
his in the street daily and they often know where each other is hiding.
Three sons of our milkman are in the countryside etc. etc.’
This was
written by Annelies Marie Frank on 28 January 1944 but was omitted from
the Anne Frank Diary. Another passage at the beginning
(20 June 1942) illustrates its true nature:
‘It's an odd idea for someone like me, to keep a
diary; not only because I have never done so before, but because it
seems to me that neither I – nor for that matter anyone else – will be
interested in the unbosomings of a thirteen year-old schoolgirl’
– because
it was actually written within a few days of 20 May 1944. AMF was
almost 15 by this time. She was to spend the next two months writing
her novel, ‘Het Achterhuis.’
NOT A DIARY – A FRAUD
Anne
Frank's Diary,
claiming to document the period 12 June 1942 – 1 August 1944, is really
a collection of letters to eight imaginary people, sketches and
fictional stories. The collection was supplemented and rewritten when
Annelies Marie Frank decided to write a novel in 1944. In 1945-6 Otto
Frank prepared at least four typescripts claiming he did not intend to
publish it. Since its first publication in 1947 as Het Achterhuis,
the ‘diary’ has sold 25 million copies and spawned an industry of
Foundations and travelling exhibitions.
When
in the entry of 29 March 1944 AMF described her book as a novel ("een
roman") this was incorrectly translated in the Diary to ‘a
romance’ (entry for 29 March 1944).
The
author lived just a short walk away from Prinsengracht 263 and was
twice deported from Holland for handing out leaflets outside. His
detailed and often humorous debunking of the Diary finally and
irrefutably blows the whistle on the ‘Anne Frank Roadshow.’
Anna Frank's Novel: The ‘Diary’ is a Fraud
by Simon Sheppard, 50 pages, 13 tables, 3 figures, ISBN 1-901240-07-X,
1998.
The Controversy
The Manuscripts
The People Involved
The Matter of the Ballpoint Pen
Who – or What – was Kitty Franken?
The Handprinting
The Real Start of the ‘Diary’
Taller Tales
The True Nature of the ‘Diary’
The Need for Silence in the Annexe
Abnormal Behaviour in the Annexe
The Valerian Pills
Private Matters
The Gassings and Other Mysteries
The Fate of the Eight
Publication of the Book
Versions, Editions, Translations
Factors in the Construction of the Fraud
Anna Frank’s Legacy
£6 including P&P. Forged War Crimes
malign the German Nation by
Udo Walendy
Many of the Holocaust and other WWII
atrocity photographs shown in Forged War Crimes can be
viewed in our public libraries, where they are presented as authentic.
By comparing versions in different books and analyzing lighting and
scale, this astonishing book exposes them as forgeries. They are the
product of Stalin’s Cold War propaganda operation and many are merely
photographed drawings. For exposing fraud its author, Udo Walendy, was
imprisoned in Germany. The judge told him "We are sentencing you not
for what you wrote, but for what you left out."
80 pages, 58 b/w photographs.
KZ-guard,
victims in Buchenwald: "In the SS-government, the perfect slave system."
Published with this text in Der Spiegel 10.10.1966 No.
42, p. 101.
Above: This picture is fabricated. The lighting of
the
left side of the picture is definitely different from the right side.
The facial contours of the prisoners are unrecognizable, whereas the
contours of the "SS-Unterscharführer" are visible to the last
detail. Whereas the prone prisoner throws a clear shadow, the
"SS-Unterscharführer" casts no shadow. The upper part of the
uniform of the "guard" (above the belt) does not match the lower part.
The side pockets under the belt are missing; the buttoned edge of the
jacket does not run correctly from top to bottom; the left hand (right
in the picture) should be in the shade, whereas it is brightly lit. An
SS-Unterscharführer was not allowed to wear officers' trousers
with boots at all; the pistol hangs on the wrong side. It is unlikely,
that prisoners would be hanged from such trees, which at best would
only have a hold very high in the crown, and that they would be hanged
in this manner. Hanged people with pulled up legs are non-existent. In
Jan. 1968, in the museum of the Dachau-Memorial, the editor could see
clearly on a life-size enlargement that they forgot to draw in the
ropes in this picture by which the two "hanged prisoners" were supposed
to hang. As such, they are floating in the air without ropes.
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THE
BALL REPORT
This is a series of maps and 3-D drawings of the
Auschwitz concentration camp based on Allied wartime air photos. They
show that Auschwitz, with its open and exposed locations, would have
been a most unsuitable place for clandestine mass murder. It documents
the total lack of such traces, like huge cremation pits and firewood
piles. The Report is of particular value when used as a reference work
in conjunction with other Auschwitz-related revisionist studies, but is
also an excellent 'stand-alone' introduction into forensic studies of
the Holocaust. It also contains the results of chemical analysis of
masonry samples the author has taken from the walls of delousing
facilities and so-called homicidal gas chambers at the Auschwitz camp.
These results corroborate Leuchter's and Rudolf's findings of the lack
of chemical residues of the alleged murder weapon "Zyklon B".
16pp A4 size.
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A
SYNOPSIS OF THE RUDOLF REPORT
An English-language synopsis of the Rudolf
Report, the controversial scientific study of the "gas chambers" at
Auschwitz backing-up the famous Leuchter Report; it also
contains a summary of additional research findings on the "Holocaust".
16pp A4 size.
Careful! This is NOT the full Rudolf Report
as such, which has more than 400 pages!
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orders to BPP,BM BOX 5581, LONDON WC1N 3XX,
cheques/POs payable to 'British
People's Party'