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The Eleventh Hour has been described as the 'Bible' of the British National Party. First published in 1988, the new (1998) edition has been updated to take in the many new developments on the political scene occurring since. The book gives comprehensive coverage of all the major current issues affecting Britain. It delves into the ideologies of liberalism, conservatism and the left, and also examines that of British Nationalism and its background. It contains extensive analyses of the British economy and political system. It looks at issues connected with freedom and order, the mass media, the environment, race and immigration, Northern Ireland, the Commonwealth, foreign policy and defence. It also gives a detailed outline of the development of the BNP and its predecessor organisations in Britain.

The Eleventh Hour runs to 537 pages, it is partly autobiographical, giving an account of the author's origins, early political awakening and subsequent life's work. This is the book you must read if you want to find out what John Tyndall and the REAL BNP stood for.

Paperback £20.00 inc p&p.
Hardback £25.00 inc p&p.

Did Six Million Really Die?
Did Six Million Really Die?

‘The wise man wants to hear both sides of every question’

You may have heard of so-called Revisionists who "deny the Holocaust." This publication, a revisionist best-seller, is an authoritative and detailed account of the facts behind the fiction. It details the Nazi plan for a Jewish homeland in Madagascar (blocked by the British); the Jewish declaration of war against Germany; the Wannsee Conference; the Einsatzgruppen; the Warsaw Ghetto; the chaotic state of the Concentration Camp system at the end of the war; fake photographs; and the "Final Solution." This hard to find, extensively referenced publication is an essential addition to the library of anyone with an interest in WWII history. Magazine format, 28 pages, illustrated with photographs. Published in Britain by the Historical Review Press (ISBN 0-906879-95-0) and available as a special item from the BPP.


+ Introduction to the 4th Edition

+ Conclusion

  1. German Policy Towards the Jews Prior to the War

  2. German Policy Towards the Jews After the Outbreak of War

  3. Population and Emigration

  4. The Six Million: Documentary Evidence

  5. The Nuremberg Trials

  6. Auschwitz and Polish Jewry

  7. Some Concentration Camp Memoirs

  8. The Nature and Condition of War-Time Concentration Camps

  9. The Jews and the Concentration Camps: A Factual Appraisal by the Red Cross

  10. The Truth at Last: The Work of Paul Rassinier

From Section One, German Policy Towards the Jews Prior to the War

Rightly or wrongly, the Germany of Adolf Hitler considered the Jews to be a disloyal and avaricious element within the national community, as well as a force of decadence in Germany's cultural life. This was held to be particularly unhealthy since, during the Weimar period, the Jews had risen to a position of remarkable strength and influence in the nation, particularly in law, finance and the mass media, even though they constituted only one percent of the population. The fact that Karl Marx was a Jew and that Jews such as Rosa Luxembourg and Karl Liebnecht were disproportionately prominent in the leadership of communist movements in Germany also tended to convince the Nazis of the powerful internationalist and Communist tendencies of the Jewish people.

It is no part of the discussion here to argue whether the German attitude to the Jews was right or not, or to judge whether its legislative measures against them were just or unjust. Our concern is simply with the fact that, believing of the Jews as they did, the Nazis' solution to the problem was to deprive them of their influence within the nation by various legislative acts, and most important of all, to encourage their emigration from the country altogether. By 1939, the great majority of German Jews had emigrated, all of them with a sizeable proportion of their assets. Never at any time had the Nazi leadership even contemplated a policy of genocide towards them.

It is very significant, however, that certain Jews were quick to interpret these policies of internal discrimination as equivalent to extermination itself. A 1936 anti-German propaganda book by Leon Feuchtwanger and others entitled Der Gelbe Fleck: Die Allsrotung von 500,000 Deutchen Juden (The Yellow Spot: The Outlawing of 500,000 German Jews, Paris, 1936), presents a typical example. Despite its baselessness in fact, the annihilation of the Jews is discussed from the first pages – straightforward emigration being regarded as the physical "extermination" of German Jewry. The Nazi concentration camps for political prisoners are also seen as potential instruments of genocide, and special reference is made to the 100 Jews still detained in Dachau in 1936, of whom 60 had been there since 1933. A further example was the sensational book by the German-Jewish Communist, Hans Beimler, called Four Weeks in the Hands of Hitler's Hell-Hounds: The Nazi Murder Camp of Dachau, which was published in New York as early as 1933. Detained for his Marxist affiliations, he claimed that Dachau was a death camp, though by his own admission he was released after only a month there. The post-war Communist regime in East Germany used to issue a 'Hans Beimler Award' for services to Communism.

The fact that anti-Nazi genocide propaganda was being disseminated at this impossibly early date therefore, by people biased on racial or political grounds, should suggest great caution to the independent-minded observer when approaching similar stories of the war period.

The encouragement of Jewish emigration should not be confused with the purpose of concentration camps in pre-war Germany. These were used for the detention of political opponents and subversives – principally liberals, Social Democrats and Communists of all kinds, of whom a proportion were Jews such as Hans Beimler. Unlike the millions enslaved in the Soviet Union, the German concentration camp population was always small; Reitlinger admits that between 1934 and 1938 it seldom exceeded 20,000 throughout the whole of Germany and the number of Jews was never more than 3,000 (The S.S.: Alibi of a Nation, London, 1956, p. 253).


Report of the Special Commission for the Examination and Investigation of the Circumstances
of the Shooting of Polish Prisoners of War in the Katyn Forest by the German Fascist Invaders

  • The Katyn Forest
  • Polish Prisoners of War in the Region of Smolensk
  • The Raids in Search of Polish Prisoners of War
  • The Shootings in the Katyn Forest
  • Beginning of German Provocation
  • The Falsification of the Graves at Katyn
  • ‘Visits’ to the Graves at Katyn
  • German Attempts to Wipe Away the Traces of their Crime
  • Files of the Forensic Expert Commission
  • Documents Found on the Corpses

These tales of high drama and a forensic report (!) claimed that ‘German Fascist invaders’ were responsible for the Katyn Massacre, in which thousands of Polish officers were shot in the back of the neck and buried in the Katyn Forest. Although the Russians were responsible, Stalin’s insistence on prosecuting the Germans for this war crime at Nuremberg caused acute embarrassment to the other post-WWII Allies. This is a verbatim re-publication of the original Nuremberg document.
Soviet Evidence at Kaytn: Document USSR-54 at Nuremberg translated and with a Foreword by Carlos Porter. 46 pages, ISBN 1-901240-06-1, 1998.



A German court attempted to prosecute Carlos Porter, the author of Not Guilty at Nuremberg, even while he was living in Belgium. His "offence" was sending a letter to the Mayor of Munich.

Not Guilty at Nuremberg is a uniquely authoritative commentary on the Nuremberg Trials. Porter examines the evidence against Göring, Hess and many of the other military and civilian personnel who were tried in the aftermath of WWII. A summary of the Japanese War Crimes Trials is included: those defendants were convicted of making human soup. Now in its second Heretical Press edition with a new Appendix on Telford Taylor, from which the above quotation of Manstein is taken. Not Guilty at Nuremberg: The German Defence Case by Carlos Porter, 46 pages, ISBN 1-901240-02-9, 1998.

‘I have been a soldier for forty years. I come from a family of soldiers and I have grown up with military conceptions. The example from amongst my nearest relatives which I had before me was the old Hindenburg. We young officers naturally considered the glory of war as something great, and I do not wish to deny that I was proud that during the war an army was entrusted to me. But our ideal, and that applies to my comrades too, did not lie in the conducting of war but in the education of our youth to be honourable citizens and decent soldiers. Under our orders that youth of ours went to death by the million. And if I may say something personal: my eldest son died as a lieutenant in the infantry, when he was 19; two of my sons-in-law, who grew up in my house, died as young officers; my best comrades in this war, my young adjutant and my young chauffeur, were killed. Nearly all the sons of my brothers and sisters were killed. That we, the old soldiers, should have led into war for a criminal purpose that youth of ours which was so dear to us, would far exceed any wickedness of which man could be thought capable. It is possible that a man without a family and without tradition, who is obsessed with fanatical belief in a higher mission, may go beyond the limits of human law, but we, the old soldiers, purely from a human point of view, would not have been able to do so. We could not lead our youth into crime.’

General Manstein quoted in IMT XX 626.


• DOCUMENTS (reproduced below)
• DÖNITZ (10 YRS.)


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Nazi Terror: A Short Autobiography of a Jewish National Socialist is a myth-shattering account of what it was really like for a Jew in Hitler's Germany. Weichardt's father was Editor of the Berliner Morgenpost and his mother was a Jewess.
His story, which is rich in detail, is a gripping read and a real eye-opener.

54 pages, £5.00, ISBN 1-901240-18-5, 2004.

A Typically Astonishing Excerpt from Nazi Terror (pp. 13-16)

The next anti-Jewish measure was the Arier paragraph, which eliminated non-Aryans from all government positions. Everybody with one quarter or more Jewish background was considered non-Aryan. Exempt from this law were all Jews who had fought for Germany in the World War or had lost sons during that war or who already held government positions before that war. Certain exemptions for meritorious individuals could be granted. All non-Aryans in government positions had to be retired (not fired!) with their pensions forthcoming. Businesses, large or small, were not affected; doctors could continue their practices but were not compensated for treating patients insured under the government-run health plan. Many, many – including high party officials – stayed with their Jewish family doctors who had treated them for a long time. The number of university students of three-quarter or all-Jewish ancestry were limited to the percentage of their numbers in the populace. Still pretty good, when compared with the experience of deserving whites under Jewish-imposed affirmative action in America. Students with one-half or less Jewish ancestry were under no restrictions at all, and even had, at a later date, to join the nationalist student organization. They were not permitted to join the SA or SS. Joining a nationalist organization became, in effect, obligatory for all Aryan students.

The immediate effect on the private lives of most Jews was in the beginning only minimal. Some personal experiences will show this. Since my early teens I had been an avid gun lover. In Austria, where we lived at the time, there were in effect no restrictions on the possession of handguns or rifles. If there were, they certainly were not enforced. At the age of fifteen I could walk into one of the finest gunshops in Vienna and purchase any weapon in the store, as long as I had the necessary money. Unfortunately I didn’t, but after some time I had scraped together a sufficient amount to start my modest collection by acquiring three low-priced handguns. Shortly thereafter, in 1929, we moved to Berlin. In Germany, under the Weimar Republic, one had to register each gun with the police. There were no restrictions on possession except if you wanted to carry them. In this case you had to have a hunting licence which required a lengthy course in gun handling, marksmanship, game laws and the handling of bagged game. The police had absolutely no say or power to refuse you the ownership of your guns when you came to register. It was a purely bureaucratic measure which enabled the police to trace a gun involved in a criminal action.

My guns were registered in the name of my (Jewish) mother, who had contributed the money for their original purchase, because I was only fifteen years old and could not own firearms until I reached maturity (21 years). After Hitler came to power, nothing was changed in the existing gun regulations; nobody had to turn in the registered guns – period. My mother still had them on the day of her immigration to the US (May 1941) and gave them to a friend of mine because importation of firearms was prohibited under US law.

The laxness with which the firearm laws were enforced was clearly demonstrated in the days after the Reichstag fire, when most people feared an imminent Communist uprising. Suddenly untold numbers of veterans or members of patriotic organizations were seen walking around, proudly displaying their wartime military Mausers or Parabellums strapped to their sometimes paunchy bellies. After a while, after the communist threat had been eliminated, they were politely reminded that carrying of firearms in public was against the law and the guns were put back into drawers at home. The sale of ammunition was never restricted.

Suddenly a long-time dream of mine promised to come true: the ownership of a genuine Parabellum in good condition. One of my friends had heard of a deal whereby members of the many existing nationalist party organizations could purchase retired army pistols in lots of one hundred at a price of fifteen marks per gun. The price of a new Parabellum was one hundred and fifty marks in those days, which was about the monthly income of a lowly worker, if he had a job. My search for prospective customers was frantic. By charging an extra mark for my services I had to sell only fifteen guns to earn sufficient money for the purchase of a gun for myself! Alas, my plan was of short duration. Some envious or overzealous citizen felt obliged to inform the authorities of my dreamy deal. It was followed by the famous knock on the door, and on opening I faced three agents of the secret police (Gestapo). No hands in the pockets groping for hidden arms, no shouted orders or threats, only showing of identifications and the polite question if I had any firearms at home and if they could see them. I asked them in, got my guns and asked my mother to show the registration receipts. The disappointment of the rather mild-mannered gentlemen at the measly display was obvious and they asked about the whereabouts of the one hundred Parabellums I was suspected of harbouring. My heart sank and I told them about my, now surely aborted, hoped-for big deal, which as yet had not been completed. They looked greatly relieved and the man in charge said that a perfunctory search of our premises was in order. No drawers were ripped out and emptied, nothing was displaced or damaged – only a short look under beds, into armoires and storage cabinets. When they were ready to leave the man in charge spotted a letter on the table with a Jewish-sounding name of the sender and being obviously informed about my mother’s racial background he very kindly admonished her that because of the new conditions prevalent to be especially careful and not to break any of the existing laws. With that they apologized for the inconvenience they had caused and left. My loaded guns remained on the table.

In order fully to appreciate this story you must remember that the Parabellum was at that time still the most powerful and sophisticated military handgun on the European market. Today’s equivalent would be a fully automatic MP5 or Ingram. Just imagine somebody informing the "democratic" American government that I was stocking one hundred of those, possibly intending to sell them to some shady characters harbouring racist or otherwise non-PC views. Can’t you just hear Janet Reno screaming and ordering her trigger-happy minions into action? The roar of armoured trucks loaded with SWAT teams in full battledress would be deafening and reinforced by the clatter of helicopter-gunships hovering overhead, in case any difficulties should develop. The headlines would shout: Gun Crazy Rightist Has Arsenal Endangering His Neighbourhood! Governor Might Call In National Guard! Remember the recent actions of the American government in the case of a man who sold a shotgun, allegedly one quarter inch shorter than the law permits, to an undercover agent, which resulted in the deaths of a mother holding a baby in her arms, one unarmed child, the family dog and a marshal. Or the one involving a religious nut who could have been arrested any day by a single cop while the former attended to his shopping in the local supermarket. Result: about eighty people, mostly women and children, incinerated alive. I think my imagined scenario above is an understatement.

My next run-in with the authorities of the Third Reich happened about three years later and was a little more ominous. I had just received the notification that my application for voluntary service in the newly-recruited army had been definitely denied and I was understandably very bitter because service in the armed forces was considered an honour and privilege, not an onerous duty. Instead of swallowing my badly injured pride I complained to everybody who would listen to me, ending my complaints with the caustic question: "Why me, when even the top general of the Luftwaffe, Erhard Milch, had a Jewish father?" Well it didn’t take very long for the knock at the door...

£6 INC. P&P

‘Goodness knows how many false identity cards are in circulation. Jewish acquaintances are going about under ordinary Christian names and there are certainly not many people in hiding like ourselves who have no identity cards and never go out. Bep's friend, who properly should really be in Berlin meets comrades of his in the street daily and they often know where each other is hiding. Three sons of our milkman are in the countryside etc. etc.’

This was written by Annelies Marie Frank on 28 January 1944 but was omitted from the Anne Frank Diary. Another passage at the beginning (20 June 1942) illustrates its true nature:

‘It's an odd idea for someone like me, to keep a diary; not only because I have never done so before, but because it seems to me that neither I – nor for that matter anyone else – will be interested in the unbosomings of a thirteen year-old schoolgirl’
– because it was actually written within a few days of 20 May 1944. AMF was almost 15 by this time. She was to spend the next two months writing her novel, ‘Het Achterhuis.’


Anne Frank's Diary, claiming to document the period 12 June 1942 – 1 August 1944, is really a collection of letters to eight imaginary people, sketches and fictional stories. The collection was supplemented and rewritten when Annelies Marie Frank decided to write a novel in 1944. In 1945-6 Otto Frank prepared at least four typescripts claiming he did not intend to publish it. Since its first publication in 1947 as Het Achterhuis, the ‘diary’ has sold 25 million copies and spawned an industry of Foundations and travelling exhibitions.

When in the entry of 29 March 1944 AMF described her book as a novel ("een roman") this was incorrectly translated in the Diary to ‘a romance’ (entry for 29 March 1944).

The author lived just a short walk away from Prinsengracht 263 and was twice deported from Holland for handing out leaflets outside. His detailed and often humorous debunking of the Diary finally and irrefutably blows the whistle on the ‘Anne Frank Roadshow.’

Anna Frank's Novel: The ‘Diary’ is a Fraud by Simon Sheppard, 50 pages, 13 tables, 3 figures, ISBN 1-901240-07-X, 1998.

  • The Controversy
  • The Manuscripts
  • The People Involved
  • The Matter of the Ballpoint Pen
  • Who – or What – was Kitty Franken?
  • The Handprinting
  • The Real Start of the ‘Diary’
  • Taller Tales
  • The True Nature of the ‘Diary’
  • The Need for Silence in the Annexe
  • Abnormal Behaviour in the Annexe
  • The Valerian Pills
  • Private Matters
  • The Gassings and Other Mysteries
  • The Fate of the Eight
  • Publication of the Book
  • Versions, Editions, Translations
  • Factors in the Construction of the Fraud
  • Anna Frank’s Legacy

£6 including P&P.

Forged War Crimes  malign the German Nation

by Udo Walendy

Many of the Holocaust and other WWII atrocity photographs shown in Forged War Crimes can be viewed in our public libraries, where they are presented as authentic. By comparing versions in different books and analyzing lighting and scale, this astonishing book exposes them as forgeries. They are the product of Stalin’s Cold War propaganda operation and many are merely photographed drawings. For exposing fraud its author, Udo Walendy, was imprisoned in Germany. The judge told him "We are sentencing you not for what you wrote, but for what you left out."

80 pages, 58 b/w photographs.

KZ-guard, victims in Buchenwald: "In the SS-government, the perfect slave system."
Published with this text in Der Spiegel 10.10.1966 No. 42, p. 101.

Above: This picture is fabricated. The lighting of the left side of the picture is definitely different from the right side. The facial contours of the prisoners are unrecognizable, whereas the contours of the "SS-Unterscharführer" are visible to the last detail. Whereas the prone prisoner throws a clear shadow, the "SS-Unterscharführer" casts no shadow. The upper part of the uniform of the "guard" (above the belt) does not match the lower part. The side pockets under the belt are missing; the buttoned edge of the jacket does not run correctly from top to bottom; the left hand (right in the picture) should be in the shade, whereas it is brightly lit. An SS-Unterscharführer was not allowed to wear officers' trousers with boots at all; the pistol hangs on the wrong side. It is unlikely, that prisoners would be hanged from such trees, which at best would only have a hold very high in the crown, and that they would be hanged in this manner. Hanged people with pulled up legs are non-existent. In Jan. 1968, in the museum of the Dachau-Memorial, the editor could see clearly on a life-size enlargement that they forgot to draw in the ropes in this picture by which the two "hanged prisoners" were supposed to hang. As such, they are floating in the air without ropes.


John C. Ball: The Ball Report

This is a series of maps and 3-D drawings of the Auschwitz concentration camp based on Allied wartime air photos. They show that Auschwitz, with its open and exposed locations, would have been a most unsuitable place for clandestine mass murder. It documents the total lack of such traces, like huge cremation pits and firewood piles. The Report is of particular value when used as a reference work in conjunction with other Auschwitz-related revisionist studies, but is also an excellent 'stand-alone' introduction into forensic studies of the Holocaust. It also contains the results of chemical analysis of masonry samples the author has taken from the walls of delousing facilities and so-called homicidal gas chambers at the Auschwitz camp. These results corroborate Leuchter's and Rudolf's findings of the lack of chemical residues of the alleged murder weapon "Zyklon B".

16pp A4 size.



An English-language synopsis of the Rudolf Report, the controversial scientific study of the "gas chambers" at Auschwitz backing-up the famous Leuchter Report; it also contains a summary of additional research findings on the "Holocaust".

16pp A4 size.

Careful! This is NOT the full Rudolf Report as such, which has more than 400 pages!


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