From Section One, German Policy Towards the
Jews Prior to the War
Rightly
or wrongly, the Germany of Adolf Hitler considered the Jews to be a
disloyal and avaricious element within the national community, as well
as a force of decadence in Germany's cultural life. This was held to be
particularly unhealthy since, during the Weimar period, the Jews had
risen to a position of remarkable strength and influence in the nation,
particularly in law, finance and the mass media, even though they
constituted only one percent of the population. The fact that Karl Marx
was a Jew and that Jews such as Rosa Luxembourg and Karl Liebnecht were
disproportionately prominent in the leadership of communist movements
in Germany also tended to convince the Nazis of the powerful
internationalist and Communist tendencies of the Jewish people.
It
is no part of the discussion here to argue whether the German attitude
to the Jews was right or not, or to judge whether its legislative
measures against them were just or unjust. Our concern is simply with
the fact that, believing of the Jews as they did, the Nazis' solution
to the problem was to deprive them of their influence within the nation
by various legislative acts, and most important of all, to encourage
their emigration from the country altogether. By 1939, the great
majority of German Jews had emigrated, all of them with a sizeable
proportion of their assets. Never at any time had the Nazi leadership
even contemplated a policy of genocide towards them.
It
is very significant, however, that certain Jews were quick to interpret
these policies of internal discrimination as equivalent to
extermination itself. A 1936 anti-German propaganda book by Leon
Feuchtwanger and others entitled Der Gelbe Fleck: Die Allsrotung
von 500,000 Deutchen Juden (The Yellow Spot: The Outlawing
of 500,000 German Jews, Paris, 1936), presents a typical
example. Despite its baselessness in fact, the annihilation of the Jews
is discussed from the first pages – straightforward emigration being
regarded as the physical "extermination" of German Jewry. The Nazi
concentration camps for political prisoners are also seen as potential
instruments of genocide, and special reference is made to the 100 Jews
still detained in Dachau in 1936, of whom 60 had been there since 1933.
A further example was the sensational book by the German-Jewish
Communist, Hans Beimler, called Four Weeks in the Hands of
Hitler's Hell-Hounds: The Nazi Murder Camp of Dachau, which was
published in New York as early as 1933. Detained for his Marxist
affiliations, he claimed that Dachau was a death camp, though by his
own admission he was released after only a month there. The post-war
Communist regime in East Germany used to issue a 'Hans Beimler Award'
for services to Communism.
The
fact that anti-Nazi genocide propaganda was being disseminated at this
impossibly early date therefore, by people biased on racial or
political grounds, should suggest great caution to the
independent-minded observer when approaching similar stories of the war
period.
The
encouragement of Jewish emigration should not be confused with the
purpose of concentration camps in pre-war Germany. These were used for
the detention of political opponents and subversives – principally
liberals, Social Democrats and Communists of all kinds, of whom a
proportion were Jews such as Hans Beimler. Unlike the millions enslaved
in the Soviet Union, the German concentration camp population was
always small; Reitlinger admits that between 1934 and 1938 it seldom
exceeded 20,000 throughout the whole of Germany and the number of Jews
was never more than 3,000 (The S.S.: Alibi of a Nation,
London, 1956, p. 253).
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