In the absence of a UK referendum on
Brussels, the public has a chance to veto the EU constitution in all
but name
When campaigning began for Thursday’s
Irish referendum on the European Union’s Lisbon treaty, few thought
there was the remotest chance of a “no” vote. The massed ranks of the
Irish Establishment lined up in smug anticipation of a resounding
victory for the “yes” campaign. Brussels regarded the referendum as a
mere diversion, confident that Irish voters would apply the rubber
stamp in the appropriate place. Even the bookies thought there was more
chance of a Shergar winning the Derby.
Whatever happens this week, those
cosy assumptions have been thrown out of the window. Alone among the
Irish media, this newspaper, which is one of the biggest selling
broadsheets in the republic, argued the case for a no vote. The latest
opinion poll, showing the no camp in the lead (although admittedly with
a large number of “don’t knows”) has alarmed the Establishment. Could
it be that Irish voters will do the right thing, which happens to be
the exact opposite of what Brussels wants?
That they should reject this treaty
is not in doubt. In Britain and in other European countries, the
constitution – in all but name – is being foisted on citizens without
an opportunity to have their say. Gordon Brown insisted wrongly that
Labour’s manifesto commitment to hold a referendum on the constitution
did not apply to the Lisbon treaty. But parliament has so far failed to
hold the government to account and the treaty is making its way into
British law. Only the Irish can stop it by sending Europe back to the
drafting board. This, of course, is the scare tactic adopted by the yes
campaign. The European Union, they say, will be thrown into chaos by an
Irish rejection of the treaty. It is a desperate and dishonest tactic.
According to Ireland’s independent referendum commission, in the event
of a no vote “the EU would continue to operate under its present
rules”. The chaos theory is bogus.
Anybody who has tried to plough
through the reform treaty will quickly realise that it has met the test
set by Giuliano Amato, the former Italian prime minister, who said it
“should be unreadable”. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, the former
French president and architect of the constitution on which the treaty
is based, said “public opinion will be led to adopt, without knowing
it, the proposals that we dare not present to them directly”. Last
month in Ireland we published the treaty in its entirety in order to
demonstrate how successful that strategy has been.
Nobody should sign up for something
they do not understand. But there are other reasons for rejecting the
treaty, not least that it is a reheated version of the constitution
thrown out by French and Dutch voters in their referendums in 2005.
Those voters are not being given the chance to decide again. If Ireland
rejects the treaty this week, Brussels will no doubt find some way of
getting around it. That battle is for another day. The first
requirement is for a no vote this week. It is one occasion when many of
us will have no hesitation in saying: come on Ireland!
