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Stalin's army of rapists:
![]() The brutal war crime that Russia and Germany tried to ignore Relations between Russia and Germany have not been good since
Vladimir Putin's nationalist sabre-rattling this summer, but they are
about to get a whole lot worse. A new film about to be released in Germany will force both
countries to re-examine part of their recent history that each would
much prefer to forget. Yet it is right that the ghastly truth should
finally be acknowledged. The movie, A Woman In Berlin, is based on the diary of the
German journalist Marta Hillers and depicts the horror of the Red
Army's capture of the capital of the Third Reich in April and May 1945.
Marta was one of two million German women who were raped by
soldiers of the Red Army - in her case, as in so many
others, several times over. It was a feature of Russia's 'liberation' and occupation of eastern Germany at the end of World War II that is familiar enough to historians, but which neither country cares to acknowledge took place on anything like the scale it did. For Russia, the episode besmirches the fine name of the Red
Army that had fought so hard and suffered so much in its four-year
campaign against the Wehrmacht. The courage and resilience of the ordinary Russian in what
they called the Great Patriotic War is incontestable, and for every
five German soldiers killed in action in the whole of World War II,
four died on the Eastern Front. Yet the knowledge that the victorious Red Army committed mass
rape across Prussia and eastern Germany as they closed in on Berlin
degrades its reputation, which is unacceptable to many Russians today. When the historian Antony Beevor wrote about it in his book
Berlin: The Downfall, the Russian ambassador to London, Grigory
Karasin, accused him of 'an act of blasphemy', saying: 'It is a slander
against the people who saved the world from Nazism.' Similarly, living Germans do not want the events that
humiliated and violated them, their mothers and grandmothers to be held
up to public examination, as this movie promises to do. For many German women, the memory was something they
sublimated and never spoke about to their husbands returning from the
front. It was the great unmentionable fact of 1945, which is coming
out not just in history books, but in front of a mass, international
audience. Painful memories of gross sexual abuse are being dragged out
and held up to the pitiless witness of the silver screen. Furthermore for the Germans, there is also the added sense
that had it not been for Operation Barbarossa, Hitler's invasion of the
USSR, these crimes would never have been committed against German
womanhood in the first place. Three million German troops crossed the Soviet border in June
1941 in an attempt to extirpate the Russian state, and the Nazi
commitment to Total War produced atrocities so terrible that they were bound
to be avenged once the Red Army reached German soil. As so often in war, it was to be defenceless women, girls and
even elderly ladies who were to pay in pain and outrage for the crimes
of their male compatriots. Many had abortions or were treated for the syphilis they
caught. And as for the so-called Russenbabies
- the children born out of rape - many were
abandoned. In his fine new book, World War Two: Behind Closed Doors, the
historian Laurence Rees points out that although rape was officially a
crime in the Red Army, in fact, Stalin explicitly condoned it as a
method of rewarding the soldiers and terrorising German civilians. Stalin said people should ' understand it if a soldier who has
crossed thousands of kilometres through blood and fire and death has
fun with a woman or takes some trifle'. On another occasion, when told that Red Army soldiers sexually
maltreated German refugees, he said: 'We lecture our soldiers too much;
let them have their initiative.' While Stalin condoned rape as an instrument of state military
policy, his police chief Lavrenti Beria was a serial rapist. An American diplomat, Beria's bodyguard and the Russian
actress Tatiana Okunevskaya all bore witness of his methods of grabbing
women off the street and shoving them into his limousine and then his
bed. 'You are a long way from anywhere, so whether you scream or
not does not matter,' Beria would tell the women when he got them back
to his dacha. 'You are in my power now. So think about that and behave
accordingly.' More than 100 school-aged girls and young women were drugged
and raped by the man who ran the NKVD, the feared forerunner to the
KGB. 'All of which means, of course, that if reports of Red Army
soldiers raping women in eastern Europe were sent to the NKVD in
Moscow, they finally reached the desk of a rapist himself,' says Rees. The rape of Berlin's female population - anyone
between the ages of 13 and 70 was in danger - was cruelly
vicious. In one heart-breaking incident, a Berlin lawyer, who had
somehow protected his Jewish wife from persecution throughout the Nazi
period, was shot trying to protect her from rape by Red Army soldiers.
As he lay dying of his wounds, he saw his wife being gang-raped. 'They do not speak a word of Russian, but that makes it
easier,' one Red Army soldier wrote in a letter home in February 1945.
'You don't have to persuade them. You just point a revolver and tell
them to lie down. Then you do your stuff and go away.' It was unusual for Red Army soldiers to admit to rape in
letters home, which is why this new German film is likely to shock
Russian patriotic sensibilities. Nor did the Germany's surrender calm the Russians' behaviour,
at least in the short term. 'Weeks before you entered this house, its tenants were living
in constant fright and fear,' the rich German publisher Hans-Dietrich
Muller Grote wrote to President Truman about the place he stayed in
during the Potsdam conference of July 1945. 'By day and by night, plundering Russian soldiers went in and
out, raping my sisters before their own parents and children, beating
up my old parents. All furniture, wardrobes and trunks were smashed
with bayonets and rifle butts, their contents soiled and destroyed in
an indescribable manner.' The Red Army's atrocities against women in Dresden in the
spring of 1945, a city that had already suffered heavily from Allied
bombing, were carried out in a sickeningly systematic manner. 'In the house next to ours, Soviet troops went in and pulled
the women on to the street, had their mattresses pulled out and raped
the women,' recalled one inhabitant, John Noble. 'The men had to watch, and then the men were shot. Right at
the end of the street, a woman was tied to a wagon wheel and terribly
misused. 'Of course, you had the feeling that you wanted to stop it,
but there was no possibility to do that.' Women going to and from work
past Red Army pickets were routinely raped. The historian Chris Bellamy believes that although there are
no surviving written records to prove it, 'the hideous spectre of
multiple rape was not only condoned, but, we can be pretty sure,
legally sanctioned by the political officers speaking for the Soviet
government'. Nor is it true that rape was mainly carried out by reserve
units following behind the front-line troops. The Russian war correspondent Vassily Grossman was embedded
with the elite front-line Eighth Guards Army which committed rape, as
did at least one of his own war correspondent colleagues. As well as the estimated two million rapes in Germany, there
were between 70,000 and 100,000 in Vienna and anywhere from 50,000 to
200,000 in Hungary, as well as thousands in Romania and Bulgaria, which
had been pro-Nazi, but also in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia,
which had not been. Indeed, as Beevor points out, the Red Army even raped
<cite>Russian </cite>women who had been liberated from
concentration camps, emaciated and wearing their prison uniform. Overall, however, Russian soldiers tended to prefer plumper
and better-fed women, and one diarist recorded the satisfaction felt by
some Berlin women that these tended to be the wives of Nazi Party
functionaries. Vodka played a role, of course, but the worst of the behaviour
was fuelled by sheer hatred and aggression, as well as a cold-hearted
sense of deterrence for the future. 'It's absolutely clear that if we don't really scare them now,
there will be no way of avoiding another war in future,' one Red Army
soldier wrote at the time. In a recently published book by the Professor of Modern
History at Cambridge, Richard Evans, a young Russian officer is quoted
recalling how when his unit overtook a column of fleeing German
refugees: 'Women, mothers and their children lie to the right and left
along the route, and in front of each of them stands a raucous armada
of men with their trousers down. The women, who are bleeding or losing consciousness, get
shoved to one side, and our men shoot the ones who try to save their
children.' A group of 'grinning' officers ensured that 'every soldier
without exception would take part'. Evans records: 'Rape was often accompanied by torture and
mutilation and frequently ends in the victim being shot or bludgeoned
to death. The raging violence was undiscriminating.' The insistence on the men watching the rapes was deliberate
policy, intended 'to underline the humiliation'. Underlying all this foul inhumanity was the way the German
Army and its allies had behaved during its invasion of Russia. That was clearly not the only explanation - it
doesn't explain why the Red Army raped Poles, Czechs and Yugoslavs and
even Russian women, for example - for that one has to delve
deep into the darkest recesses of the male psyche. Yet the four years of life-and-death conflict did brutalise
the Soviet peasant-soldier and taught him to behave like a beast
against the women of his enemies once he was given the chance. The
Soviet-German war lasted 1,418 days without respite, and for sheer
horror there is nothing to equal it in the long and monstrous annals of
human warfare. 'It eliminated pity, abandoned any constraint, mocked even a semblance of legality,' wrote its foremost historian Professor John Erickson. The Germans drew up plans to exterminate or deport no fewer than 50 million Slav untermensch (subhumans) and as soon as they had attacked they instituted procedures for achieving this. In the end, no fewer than 27 million citizens lost their lives. The Geneva Conventions were ripped up, as it was stated that
no German soldier would be prosecuted for any 'ideologically motivated'
murder of civilians. Hitler's Vernichtungskampf (war
of annihilation) against the Slavs merged into his Rassenkampf (war of racial
extermination) against the Jews and Communists to create a
Continent-wide slaughter. Behind the advancing Wehrmacht, which won victory after
victory in the first six months, were a series of Einsatzgruppen (action squads),
whose 'special task' it was to liquidate Jews, Communists, partisans,
PoWs, the disabled and anyone else thought to be 'enemies of the
Reich'. In forests across eastern and southern Russia, Ukraine, Poland
and the Baltic states, the populations of villages and towns were
escorted to places of execution, ordered to dig their own shallow
graves and then shot. An estimated 1.5million innocent human beings are believed to
have perished in this way. Yet, as Erickson puts it: 'Machine-guns and
rudimentary gas vans could not cope with the demands imposed by mass
extermination, prompting the search for a capacious gas chamber the
like of Auschwitz.' The 'scorched earth' policy adopted by the Wehrmacht led to
millions more dying, and during the 900-day siege of Leningrad human
flesh was semi-openly sold in the street. Small wonder that when 'Ivan'
had his chance for revenge, he was going to take it in as gross and
bestial a manner as possible. The fact that the women of Germany were largely innocents,
swept up in the horror rather than being responsible for it, meant
nothing to an army that had lost 13.5 million casualties at the
Germans' hands. And what of the Allied advance in the West across Germany? It
was not unknown for cases of rape to be reported, but they were
considered a serious offence and punished accordingly. The fact that today Germany is a peaceful democracy, indeed,
in many ways a model country, can in large part be put down to the Red
Army's monstrous invasion, but also to the ruthless bombing of its
cities and towns by the British and U.S. air forces from 1941 to 1945. The aggressive soul of Germany that had launched no fewer than
five wars in the 75 years after 1864 was cut out by the experiences of
World War II. If made sensitively, this new film might be able to reconcile
the two countries as they come to terms with the crimes committed in
the first half of the Forties. Equally, the capacity for reciprocated resentment is ever
present. A Woman In Berlin is thus cinematic gunpowder. Yet neither
side should hide from the harsh historical truths it tells, however
unpalatable they may seem. • Andrew Robert's latest book is Masters And Commanders: How Roosevelt, Churchill, Marshall And Alanbrooke Won The War In The West (Allen Lane, £25).
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© 2008 British People's Party, BM Box 5581, London WC1N 3XX